"The American fascists are most easily recognized by their deliberate perversion of truth and fact.... They claim to be super-patriots, but they would destroy every liberty guaranteed by the Constitution. They demand free enterprise, but are the spokesmen for monopoly and vested interest. Their final objective toward which all their deceit is directed is to capture political power so that, using the power of the state and the power of the market simultaneously, they may keep the common man in eternal subjection."

--Henry Wallace, U.S. Vice President under Franklin Roosevelt, "The Danger of American Fascism", The New York Times, 9 April 1944

[The following is a transcript of a talk given by John Judge at a one-day conference entitled "The Fourth Reich in America". A transcript of the entire conference, "The Fourth Reich in America," is available from Flatland Books, P.O. Box 2420, Fort Bragg, CA 95437.]

So, I really began the research and the work there. And I like to research, I like to read. And I would go to these cocktail parties in my neighborhood around Christmas time, and the guy across the street sold all the weapons to Howard Hughes, and the next door neighbor was CIA, and two doors down was NASA, and those were my neighbors in Falls Church, VA when I grew up, and they would get a little stewed, and they'd talk about business.

And I thought it was all pretty strange, but I didn't have any reason to question that there was a secret government, because I lived with that secret government. And you get Bill Moyers now, and he tells you, "Well, there's a legitimate government, but from time to time, to do a certain job, they hire a rather unseemly crew, and sometimes they get a little out-of-control and make trouble.'"

I'd suggest it's the other way around: that the real government is the people that are doing the killing, and that they hire the people in the three-piece suits to stand up and make you think you've got a democracy in front of you. Don't you think that's what it is?

See, because the real government kills people, and that's part of how it stays in power. Now, if you go back to the period at the end of the Weimar Republic, in the late `20s and the early `30s, before Hitler rose to power, you'll find a pattern of political assassinations.

It's depicted, interestingly, in Ingmar Bergman's probably least distributed film, The Serpent's Egg. And, the people that begin to die are the labor leaders, the political activists, the musicians. The people who might have an effective public voice, and might stand against the Fascism, begin to die in large numbers. And the German police admitted that these were political assassinations. But they said "they couldn't solve them". They couldn't make the historical link to what was happening, or they could but were paid not to, like many of the investigations that we have now in this country: They couldn't solve those murders.

They couldn't hook them to the most obvious suspects, which were the members of the Freikorps from World War I: the trained and paid assassins from that period, who were helping to pave the way for Hitler, and for the end of the political opposition there. And there was plenty of it. I mean there was quite a bit of socialist/communist organizing in that period. Marx's vision of the world was that the first countries to make the change would be these industrialized countries, like Germany, and so most of the people that were continuing the Bolshevik revolution in those years move forward with that.

The idea of the political assassinations and their origins really go back to 1918. Not that no one was killed earlier; I certainly don't suggest that. But in terms of what we're dealing with in the current period, most of this is a reaction to that revolution, to that change of power there in Russia, and in some of the other countries, in that period of time, in the early 1900s.

"Another notable BLOODSTONE veteran is Boris Pash, a career intelligence officer identified in the Final Report of the U.S. Senate's 1975-1976 investigation into U.S. intelligence activities as the retired director of the CIA unit responsible for planning assassinations" Blowback, p. 108.

"...served as the Army's representative on BLOODSTONE in the spring of 1948, when the tasks of that project, including recruiting defectors, smuggling refugees out from behind the Iron Curtain, and assassinations, were established. In March 1949, Pash was assigned by the Army to the OPC division of the CIA."

Harvey died June 6, 1976, according to Dick Russell, and Pash was in his '80s in 1988 according to Simpson.

Allen W. Dulles made contact with Cord Meyer in 1951. He accepted the invitation to join the CIA. Dulles told Meyer he wanted him to work on a project that was so secret that he could not be told about it until he officially joined the organization. Meyer was to work under Frank Wisner, director of the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the espionage and counter-intelligence branch of the CIA. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world."

Meyer became part of what became known as Operation MOCKINGBIRD, a CIA program to influence the mass media. According to Deborah Davis (Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the Washington Post): Meyer was MOCKINGBIRD's "principal operative". [31]

Dulles went on to be successful with the CIA's first attempts at removing foreign leaders by covert means. Notably, the elected Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh of Iran was deposed in 1953 (via Operation AJAX), and President Arbenz of Guatemala was removed in 1954. The Guatemalan coup was carried out under the CIA code-name Operation PBSUCCESS. Dulles was on the board of the United Fruit Company.

Icke points out: "Kennedy was killed on November 22, 1963. This date was the anniversary of the order, or papal bull, by Pope Clement V for the Knights Templar to be subjected to torture by the Dominican Inquisition. It [the Papal Bull] was issued on November 22, 1307." Thus, Icke believes that Freemasonry/Knights Templar finally exacted its long-awaited revenge by killing the only Roman Catholic President this country has ever had, on the anniversary date of the attack on Knights Templar, and in a specific satanic ritual called, "The Killing of the King".

Ruby: "If Adlai Stevenson had been Vice-President, there never would have been the assassination of our beloved President Kennedy"

On November 29, 1963, President Lyndon Johnson appointed Dulles as one of seven commissioners of the Warren Commission to investigate the assassination of the U.S. President John F. Kennedy.

Despite his knowledge of the several assassination plots by the CIA against Castro, he is not documented to have mentioned these plots to any investigating authorities during the Warren Commission.

And the whole concentration camp program is run by none other than Hitler Project kingpin, Rockefeller proxy and advisor to Benito Mussolini John J. McCloy. When asked about the constitutionality of rounding up American citizens and shipping them off to concentration camps, McCloy responds in an uncharacteristic display of honesty, "Why the Constitution is just a scrap of paper to me." And who should be working with McCloy on the concentration camp project but a young fellow who will reappear alongside him twenty one years later to carry out the Warren Commission cover-up of the assassination of John F. Kennedy; none other than Earl Warren.

Murchison developed extreme right-wing political opinions and along with his friend, Haroldson L. Hunt, was a supporter of the John Birch Society. Murchison funded the anti-Communist campaign of Joseph McCarthy. According to Anthony Summers, Murchison was also "a primary source of money for the American Nazi Party, and its leader, Lincoln Rockwell".

Madeleine Brown, claimed in an interview on the television show, "A Current Affair" that on the 21st November, 1963, she was at his home in Dallas. Others at the meeting included Haroldson L. Hunt, J. Edgar Hoover, Clyde Tolson, John J. McCloy and Richard Nixon. At the end of the evening Lyndon B. Johnson arrived. Brown said in this interview: "Tension filled the room upon his arrival. The group immediately went behind closed doors. A short time later Lyndon, anxious and red-faced, reappeared. I knew how secretly Lyndon operated. Therefore I said nothing... not even that I was happy to see him. Squeezing my hand so hard, it felt crushed from the pressure, he spoke with a grating whisper, a quiet growl, into my ear, not a love message, but one I'll always remember: "After tomorrow those goddamn Kennedys will never embarrass me again - that's no threat - that's a promise."

"companion", Clyde Tolson. Val Imm, the society editor for the now-defunct Dallas Times Herald, unwittingly documented one of the most significant gatherings in American history. The impressive guest list included John McCloy, Richard Nixon, George Brown, R. L. Thornton, H. L. Hunt and a host of others from the 8F group. The jovial party was just breaking up when Lyndon made an unscheduled visit. I was the most surprised by his appearance since Jesse had not mentioned anything about Lyndon's coming to Clint's. With Lyndon's hectic schedule, I never dreamed he could attend the big party. After all, he had arrived in Dallas on Tuesday to attend the Pepsi-Cola convention. Tension filled the room upon his arrival. The group immediately went behind closed doors. A short time later Lyndon, anxious and red-faced, reappeared I knew how secretly Lyndon operated. Therefore I said nothing... not even that I was happy to see him. Squeezing my hand so hard, it felt crushed from the pressure, he spoke with a grating whisper, a quiet growl, into my ear, not a love message, but one I'll always remember: "After tomorrow those goddamn Kennedys will never embarrass me again - that's no threat - that's a promise."

Just a few weeks later (after the assassination) I mentioned to him that people in Dallas were saying he himself had something to do with it.

He became really violent, really ugly, and said it was American Intelligence and oil that were behind it. Then he left the room and slammed the door It scared me.

...in fact, an American Fascist by the name of John J. McCloy. McCloy was a Rockefeller banking lawyer. I saw Marcel Ophuls who did some of the films on the Nuremberg situation, The Sorrow and the Pity, and Memory of Justice, at a public talk. And someone came up and asked him about McCloy, 'Is he connected to the internationals?' And Ophuls said, `It would be more accurate to say the internationals are connected to him.'

There was a very good article some years ago in Harper's about him, "Minister without Portfolio," that began to go into his background, all the way back to the 1920s when he was sent over to Germany to check about World War I sabotage activities, and ended up friends with some of Hitler's early cronies, and met Hitler, and stayed in that area for some time. He was connected to Sullivan & Cromwell, a Rockefeller banking firm that kept its German investments going even after the mass deaths of the Jews started in Germany. They had investments there that they didn't want to back off from.

And McCloy eventually got into a position in the government where he was the Under Secretary of War. Somebody pointed out to me earlier that 1947-1948 is also when we changed from "Secretary of War," to "Secretary of Defense." And just that little word change is enough propaganda to make clear what's happening.

John J. McCloy, among other things during the period when he was Under-Secretary of War, was responsible, along with Earl Warren and a fellow named S. Dillon Reed, for the set-up of the Japanese concentration camps in the United States and the internment of Japanese, not German or white peoples, but Japanese people here. A lot of them lived out here in California, and you may know some of the history of the different concentration camps that were out here. People lost their property and their money. McCloy still speaks openly against any reparations for those people, and believes it was proper that he had them locked up and treated the way that they were during the war.

And it's interesting also that he worked on that with Earl Warren, who later shows up along with McCloy on the Warren Commission, to study the investigation of John Kennedy's death. He's one of the main members of the seven member Committee that helped to cover up the death of John F Kennedy.

John J. McCloy also, in his position in the government, blocked efforts by the Jewish community here in America to have something done about the Nazi concentration camps. We knew they were there, we knew where they were. The Jews wanted the camps bombed, or they wanted the railroads going to the camps bombed, something, to stop the progress of the machinery of death in the Jewish community there. And his response at the time was that it would lead to "reparations against the Jews." One has to wonder what they could have been. But he refused to go along with those plans.

And then after the war, when we came in militarily, we set up a fellow named General Lucius Clay, who also cut deals with many of these top Nazi elements. And then Lucius Clay's military occupation government was replaced by a transitional, but civil, government of the Allied powers that would then lead eventually into the earliest post-war German government. And who oversaw that transition? McCloy, as the High Commissioner of Germany. In that position he reversed some of the few convictions that happened at the Nuremberg trials. Only eight war criminals were sentenced to death for all the destruction that was done in that war. Only eight. Some were given prison sentences and almost all of those were out within a few years, in large part because of McCloy's intervention.

Of course, the trials were also undermined. One of the key people that undermined evidence and lost witnesses in that trial, working with the U.S. Army, was later to go on into the International (Red) Cross, International Rescue Division. And that was one of a number of agencies; the Vatican also had a line for this, that provided false identification to the Nazi war criminals to help them move internationally. And that International Rescue Committee is still dominated by CIA and right-wing elements. But at that time they were providing the "Glockenspiel," the false identity cards. And then this fellow who moved into that position came to Texas. He was with a CIA front, a foundation called M Anderson, for many, many years. He was the special liaison between the Texas police investigation and the Warren Commission investigation of John Kennedy's death. And in that capacity he blocked any effective local study of the death, or local news from getting to the Warren Commission.

And there were a number of years when he was with Anderson. We don't hear of him. And then he reappears as the "most trusted man in America," according to the press during the Watergate fiasco, in order to pardon Nixon. His name is Leon Jaworski.

OK. So these people move throughout the history. So I'm trying to give you some feel, or some examples, of how these people move. McCloy pardons all these key Nazis. He pardons Krupp. He pardons Dornberger. And these other top people are off-the-hook because of his intervention. And then, not only do they come here, but he continues to function right up to the current day. I mean Reagan, at the time he went to Bitburg, had a White House ceremony for some of them. The German government came and gave these awards to John J. McCloy for his excellent work there in the period when we were supposed to be de-Nazifying Germany. And in fact, we were leading to the Nazification of the world, including America.

"...I have prepared a few notes on some steps which will have to be taken at an early date in order that your organization can be set up in time to meet war before Christmas"

"You need good men, and good men will not be going begging for much longer"

Wernher von Braun, knowing that the Russians, the Soviet troops, were going to come into Berlin, packed up shop at Dora, where he was building the rockets. He moved into Switzerland, leaving a trail for U.S. Intelligence, that had contacted him and other scientists months before in something called Operation OVERCAST. When he got up into that area, General Thurston, who was in charge of the military takeover for that sector, followed through with the arrangements to have him and several other scientists arrested and brought to the United States.

The person who actually effected the arrests, the physical arrests, of Wernher von Braun and the rocket scientists, the Paper Clip boys (they called it Project PAPER CLIP, to bring these people in) was the aide-de-camp to Thurston, a fellow named Clay Shaw. Years later, Jim Garrison attempted to indict Clay Shaw for his involvement in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. And Clay Shaw, among other things, was on the board of directors of a firm called Permindex, which had offices at that time out of Canada. Where they were doing training, along with British Intelligence, of assassins all during World War II. It was work that involved, among other people, Ian Fleming. And in fact, Ian Fleming's character, James Bond, is a real person that lives in Philadelphia and is very close to the Cummins Catherwood family.

Kennedy has confined himself mostly to non-fiction, but like many of the world leaders he has a weakness for detective stories, especially those of British author Ian Fleming and his fictitious under-coverman James Bond. When CIA Director Allen Dulles learned about this, he told Fleming, and the next time Fleming came to the U.S., Kennedy had him over for dinner. [38]

WASHINGTON, Nov. 16 - The first thorough examination of President John F. Kennedy's medical records, conducted by an independent presidential historian with a medical consultant, has found that Kennedy suffered from more ailments, was in far greater pain and was taking many more medications than the public knew at the time or biographers have since described.

As president, he was famous for having a bad back, and since his death, biographers have pieced together details of other illnesses, including persistent digestive problems and Addison's disease, a life-threatening lack of adrenal function.

But newly disclosed medical files covering the last eight years of Kennedy's life, including X-rays and prescription records, show that he took painkillers, anti-anxiety agents, stimulants and sleeping pills, as well as hormones to keep him alive, with extra doses in times of stress.

At times the president took as many as eight medications a day, says the historian, Robert Dallek. A committee of three longtime Kennedy family associates, who for decades refused all requests to look at the records, granted Mr. Dallek's, in part because of his "tremendous reputation," said one of them, Theodore C. Sorensen, who was the president's special counsel.

Mr. Dallek is writing a biography, An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1963, to be published next year by Little, Brown. He was allowed to examine the records over two days last spring in the company of a physician, Jeffrey A. Kelman, and to make notes but not photocopies. Their findings appear in the December issue of The Atlantic, and they discussed them in interviews with The New York Times. The new information shows how far Kennedy went to conceal his ailments and shatters the image he projected as the most vigorous of men. It is a remarkable example of a phenomenon that has been seen many times, notably in the case of Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Yet for all of Kennedy's suffering, the ailments did not incapacitate him, Mr. Dallek concluded. In fact, he said, while Kennedy sometimes complained of grogginess, detailed transcripts of tape-recorded conversations during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962 and other times show the president as lucid and in firm command.

By the time of the missile crisis, Kennedy was taking antispasmodics to control colitis; antibiotics for a urinary tract infection; and increased amounts of hydrocortisone and testosterone, along with salt tablets, to control his adrenal insufficiency and boost his energy.

The records show that Kennedy was hospitalized for back and intestinal ailments in New York and Boston on nine previously undisclosed occasions from 1955 to 1957, when he was a senator from Massachusetts, campaigning unsuccessfully for the 1956 Democratic vice-presidential nomination - and quietly planning his 1960 presidential bid.

In December 1962, after Jacqueline Kennedy complained that he seemed "depressed" from taking antihistamines for food allergies, he took a prescribed anti-anxiety drug, Stelazine, for two days. At other times he took similar medications regularly.

The records show that Kennedy variously took codeine, Demerol and methadone for pain; Ritalin, a stimulant; meprobamate and librium for anxiety; barbiturates for sleep; thyroid hormone; and injections of a blood derivative, gamma globulin, presumably to combat infections.

In the White House, Kennedy received "seven to eight injections of procaine in his back in the same sitting" before news conferences and other events, Dr. Kelman said.

The president had so much pain from three fractured vertebrae from osteoporosis that he could not put a sock or shoe on his left foot unaided, the records reveal. He sometimes reported waking before dawn with severe abdominal cramps.

In August 1961, the records show, Mrs. Kennedy rushed in from another room when he screamed in pain as the White House physician, Dr. Janet G. Travell, injected procaine deep into his back muscles to numb them.

While not a complete record of Kennedy's lifetime medical history, much of which remains sealed in private hospitals, the disclosures provide a broad, authoritative view.

The records are largely from Dr. Travell, a specialist in internal medicine and pain management who treated Kennedy for years before ultimately being eased aside after bitter arguments with other doctors about his care. She gathered files from before and after he became president in 1961. Kennedy's widow and brothers, Robert and Edward, donated them in 1965 to the Kennedy Library, Deborah Leff, the library's director, said, and a half-dozen scholars who sought permission to see them over the years were rebuffed.

In The Atlantic, Mr. Dallek writes that while Kennedy's secrecy can be taken as "another stain on his oft-criticized character," the records also reveal the "quiet stoicism of a man struggling to endure extraordinary pain and distress."

Senator Edward M. Kennedy said that his family abided by the committee's decision to make all judgments like releasing the medical records.

"While not aware of the exact details of my brother's medical condition," Mr. Kennedy said, "I did see the great courage he exhibited throughout his life in triumphing over illness and pain."

Dr. Kelman, a specialist in internal medicine and physiology in Collington, Md., said: "The most remarkable thing was the extent to which Kennedy was in pain every day of his presidency."

Mr. Dallek first sought permission to examine the records about three years ago. The committee that controls them is led by Burke Marshall, 80, a former Justice Department official under Robert F. Kennedy. The other members are Mr. Sorensen, 74, and Samuel Beer, 90, an emeritus professor of government at Harvard.

Mr. Marshall and Professor Beer favored granting Mr. Dallek's request, he said, but Mr. Sorensen was reluctant.

"I was with J.F.K. for 11 years," Mr. Sorensen said in an interview, "and for so many of those I was trying to refute, rebut rumors that he was suffering from this disability or that, and that's why as a general rule, if those medical files were placed in the library under very restricted conditions by the family, as the family's nominee, I just couldn't agree that they would be opened to any Tom, Dick or Harry because I knew a bunch of them would seek to exploit them."

But he and Mr. Dallek "had a long talk, and I just decided on the basis of that talk that I could trust him," Mr. Sorensen said, adding with a rueful chuckle, "Probably contrary to everything J.F.K. taught me."

Mr. Dallek said that in the archives, he and Dr. Kelman found boxes apparently untouched for years, including about 10 boxes of X-rays.

For many years, Kennedy's back problems were largely attributed to injuries suffered when his Navy patrol boat, PT-109, was sunk in World War II. In fact, he had back pain before that. Mr. Dallek said his vertebrae may have begun degenerating as a result of the steroids he may have taken for intestinal problems in the late 1930's.

For much of his life, Kennedy also suffered from severe and potentially dangerous bouts of diarrhea, which doctors suspected might have been from ulcerative colitis. Repeated examinations did not confirm that. Their ultimate diagnosis was spastic colitis, which today would be described as irritable bowel syndrome.

Kennedy took anti-diarrheal drugs like Lomotil for relief, and he lost so much weight and strength from his ailments that he received the male hormone, testosterone, to build up his muscles. He also had high blood cholesterol, often in the range of 300, once at 410, which is twice the level now considered desirable.

In 1954, doctors in Manhattan inserted a metal plate to fuse Kennedy's damaged vertebrae, but an abscess forced its removal. Later he developed abscesses at the site of injections, and one had to be drained surgically, the records show.

The records show that Kennedy had "a tremendous proclivity for infections," Dr. Kelman said, contradicting Dr. Travell's assertion in 1960 that Kennedy had "a better than average resistance to infection" and "astounding vitality."

Dr. Travell had also said that Kennedy's back trouble was cured, which the records clearly show was not the case.

The records say nothing about treatment by Dr. Max Jacobson, a Manhattan physician who later lost his medical license for prescribing amphetamines. The Times detailed his involvement years ago, but the files said "nothing, nil," about Dr. Jacobson, Mr. Dallek said.

Earlier accounts have said that Kennedy was first known to have adrenal insufficiency in 1947, but there are strong hints that he was treated many years earlier. The disease affects the adrenal glands, which produce hormones to regulate blood sugar, sodium, potassium and the response to stress. Its symptoms, including fatigue, vomiting, diarrhea and low blood pressure, can be life-threatening. Treatment with steroids was first used in the late 1930's.

Dr. Kelman and Mr. Dallek said the records suggested at least two hypotheses about Kennedy's illnesses. One is that he developed a number of medical conditions independently early in life, including colitis and osteoporosis. If so, he had "markedly washed-out bones at an early age," Dr. Kelman said. X-rays in the new files showed the spinal fractures and metal screws in the vertebrae. This is especially intriguing because Kennedy's autopsy report found "no significant gross skeletal abnormalities," aside from the bullet wounds in the skull. Many experts have criticized the report, and Mr. Dallek's findings raise new questions.

A second theory is that Kennedy developed adrenal insufficiency as a youth, and that steroid treatment for colitis alleviated the undiagnosed adrenal condition, possibly leading to the spinal fractures and chronic adrenal insufficiency. The only evidence to support this is a witness account of Kennedy implanting pellets in his leg in 1946, a year before receiving the "official" diagnosis from doctors in London.

Addison's disease was first described in the 1850's, when most cases were from tuberculosis.

Kennedy, his family, Dr. Travell and other aides obfuscated the issue by denying that he had Addison's from tuberculosis. Dr. Travell said in 1959 that the PT boat incident and possibly malaria led to "a depletion of adrenal function from which he is now rehabilitated," without saying he was still being treated. The records show no evidence that Kennedy was tested for tuberculosis, Dr. Kelman said.

In November 1960, asked by a reporter about the rumor of Addison's disease, the newly elected president flatly denied having it.

Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., the historian and Kennedy aide, wrote in A Thousand Days that he asked Kennedy in 1959 about Addison's and was told: "No one who has the real Addison's disease should run for the presidency, but I do not have it."

In an interview this week, Mr. Schlesinger, 85, said that Kennedy "did draw a distinction between true Addison's and broadly construed Addison's" but that he did not know why. He said he had never been aware of the president's pain, except when he was unable to pick up his children, for example. "I mean, he never uttered a word of self-pity or complaint," Mr. Schlesinger said.

Indeed, in one of his most famous presidential epigrams, Kennedy declared in 1962, "Life is unfair." Most citations omit the words that followed, "Some people are sick and others are well."

Mary Pinchot was born on 14th October, 1920. Her father Amos Pinchot, was a wealthy lawyer who helped fund the radical journal, The Masses. He was also a key figure in the Progressive Party. Her mother, Ruth Pinchot, was a journalist who worked for worked for magazines such as The Nation and The New Republic.

As a child Mary was brought into contact with left-wing intellectuals. People like Mabel Dodge, Crystal Eastman, Max Eastman, Louis Brandeis, Robert La Follette and Harold Ickes were regular visitors at their Grey Towers home in Milford, Pennsylvania.

Mary attended Brearley School and Vassar College. In 1938 she began going out with William Attwood. It was while with Attwood at a dance held at Choate that she met John F. Kennedy for the first time.

While at Vassar Mary became interested in left-wing politics. This did not seem to upset her father, Amos Pinchot, who wrote to his brother Gifford: "Vassar seems to be very interested in communism. And a great deal of warm debating is going on among the students of Mary's class, which I think is an excellent thing. People of that age ought to be radical anyhow."

After leaving Vassar she obtained work as a journalist at United Press. This included writing for magazines such as Mademoiselle. Mary also became a member of the American Labor Party. This insured that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) started a file on Meyer's political activities. Mary, like her parents, was also a committed pacifist.

In 1944, Mary met Cord Meyer, a lieutenant in the U.S. marines who was recovering from serious shrapnel injuries that had resulted in him losing an eye. The couple married on 19th April, 1945. Soon afterwards the couple went to San Francisco to attend the conference that established the United Nations.Cord went as an aide to Harold Stassen, whereas Mary, who was working for the North American Newspaper Alliance at the time, was one of the reporters sent to cover this important event.

Cord Meyer had been shocked by the dropping of the atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. After the war, Meyer commissioned a film by Pare Lorentz called The Beginning or the End. Meyer wanted this film to be the definitive statement about the dangers of the atomic age. Cord wrote at the time: "Talked with Mary of how steadily depressing is our full realization of how little hope there is of avoiding the approaching catastrophe of atomic warfare."

The following year Meyer published a book about his war experiences, Waves of Darkness. Meyer expressed pacifist views in the book: "The only certain fruit of this insanity will be the rotting bodies upon which the sun will impartially shine tomorrow. Let us throw down these guns that we hate."

For a while Mary worked as an editor for the Atlantic Monthly. Her first child Quentin was born in 1945. After the birth of Michael in 1947 she became a housewife but still managed to attend classes at the Art Students League in New York City.

Like her husband, Mary became an advocate of world government. In May, 1947, Cord Meyer was elected president of the United World Federalists. Under his leadership, membership of the organization doubled in size. Albert Einstein was one of his most important supporters and personally solicited funds for the organization. Mary wrote for its journal, The United World Federalists.

Mary's third child, Mark, was born in 1950. The family now moved back to Cambridge. Cord was showing signs of becoming disillusioned with the idea of world government. He had experienced problems with members of the American Communist Party who had infiltrated the organizations he had established. It was about this time that he began working secretly for the Central Intelligence Agency.

In 1950 Meyer formed the Committee to Frame a World Constitution with Robert Maynard Hutchins and Elizabeth Mann Borgese. As a result of this work Meyer made contact with the International Cooperative Alliance, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the Indian Socialist Party and the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism. It is almost certain that this had been done on behalf of the CIA.

Allen W. Dulles made contact with Cord Meyer in 1951. He accepted the invitation to join the CIA. Dulles told Meyer he wanted him to work on a project that was so secret that he could not be told about it until he officially joined the organization. Meyer was to work under Frank Wisner, director of the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the espionage and counter-intelligence branch of the CIA. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world."

Meyer became part of what became known as Operation MOCKINGBIRD, a CIA program to influence the mass media. According to Deborah Davis (Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the Washington Post): Meyer was MOCKINGBIRD's "principal operative".

Mary and the family now moved to Washington where they became members of the Georgetown Crowd. This group included Frank Wisner, Richard Bissell, Desmond FitzGerald, Joseph Alsop, Tracy Barnes, Philip Graham, Katharine Graham, David Bruce, Clark Clifford, Walt Rostow, Eugene Rostow, Chip Bohlen and Paul Nitze. The Meyers also socialized with other CIA officers or CIA assets James Angleton (Cicely Angleton), Wistar Janney (Mary Wisner), Ben Bradlee (Antoinette Bradlee) and James Truitt (Anne Truitt).

In August, 1953, Joseph McCarthy accused Cord Meyer of being a communist.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation added to the smear by announcing it was unwilling to give Meyer "security clearance". Suspicion also fell on Mary at this time and it was revealed that the FBI had been investigating her activities. However, the FBI refused to explain what evidence they had against the Meyers. Allen W. Dulles and Frank Wisner both came to Meyer's defence and refused to allow him to be interrogated by the FBI.

The FBI eventually revealed the charges against Meyer. Apparently he was a member of several liberal groups considered to be "subversive" by the Justice Department. This included being a member of the National Council on the Arts, where he associated with Norman Thomas, the leader of the Socialist Party and its presidential candidate in 1948. Meyer was eventually cleared of these charges and was allowed to keep his job.

Cord Meyer became disillusioned with life in the CIA and in January, 1954, he went to New York City and attempted to get a job in publishing. Although he saw contacts he had made during his covert work with the media (Operation MOCKINGBIRD) he was unable to obtain a job with any of the established book publishing firms. In the summer of 1954 the Meyer family's golden retriever was hit by a car on the curve of highway near their house and killed. The dog's death worried Cord. He told colleagues at the CIA he was afraid the same thing might happen to one of his children.

In the summer of 1954 the Meyers got new neighbours. John F. Kennedy and his wife Jackie Kennedy purchased Hickory Hill, a house several hundred yards from where the Meyers lived. Mary became good friends with Jackie and they went on walks together.

In November, 1954, Meyer replaced Thomas Braden as head of International Organizations Division. Meyer began spending a lot of time in Europe. One of Meyer's tasks was to supervise Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, the United States government broadcasts to Eastern Europe. According to Nina Burleigh (A Very Private Woman), Meyer was "overseeing a vast 'black' budget of millions of dollars channeled through phony foundation of a global network of associations and labor groups that on their surface appeared to be progressive".

On 18th December, 1956, Mary's nine-year-old son, Michael, was hit by a car on the curve of highway near their house and killed. It was the same spot where the family's golden retriever had been killed two years earlier. The tragedy briefly brought the couple together. However, in 1958, Mary filed for divorce. In her divorce petition she alleged "extreme cruelty, mental in nature, which seriously injured her health, destroyed her happiness, rendered further cohabitation unendurable and compelled the parties to separate."

When Reinhard Gehlen came here, many of his 300 operatives were funneled through a section of the Defense Department known as the Army Historical Division. Because they, especially George Patton, were busy hiring Nazis to help them write the official history of World War II. So both Nazi war criminals and Nazi historians were channeled in through this, and then fed into the beginnings of the CIA, which was formed by Gehlen and his organization. And into Radio Free America and Radio Free Europe. The engines of the National Security State and the Cold War logic were a lie. [41]

Today, Prouty offers confirmation that Kennedy had decided to dismantle the CIA. He states that the first steps were "getting rid of Dulles, Cabell, and Bissell." Allen Dulles was the director of the CIA, Charles Cabell was its deputy director (his brother was the mayor of Dallas), and Richard Bissell was the deputy director for plans, the dirty tricks department of the agency. Prouty states that it was known and accepted that "the task of breaking up the CIA was scheduled for 1964, after the foreseen Kennedy reelection."

Kennedy did fire Dulles, Cabell, and Bissell. E. Howard Hunt, in his book Give Us This Day (Arlington House, 1973), asserts that Kennedy sought "to whitewash the New Frontier by heaping guilt on the CIA." This guilt, Hunt writes with just a touch of the poetic, was "unearned excrement." During this time, Hunt claims, while Kennedy and his loyal press made false charges "day after day, no one in the Agency, needless to say, was allowed to rebut even the most glaring fabrication." Dulles and Bissell, Hunt wrote, were "scapegoats to expiate administration guilt." Dulles, in Hunt's view, was a "remarkable man whose long career of government service had been destroyed unjustly by men who were laboring unceasingly to preserve their own public images."

Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev decided, according to Hunt, to erect the Berlin Wall because he knew that Kennedy would offer no "meaningful opposition" due to Kennedy's "weakness at the Bay of Pigs."

Hunt concluded that Kennedy had abandoned "any serious interest in overthrowing Castro"; indeed, he had even promised Khrushchev that "he would never invade Cuba."

The gentlemen at CIA headquarters saw American foreign policy begin to shift from their control into the hands of the elected leader of the nation. While that concept was sufficiently alarming to them, it was viewed as the precursor of far more frightening events.

Hunt captured the feelings of his colleagues in the CIA at that time: "Under the administration's philosophy, the real enemy became poverty and ignorance; any talk of an international Communist conspiracy was loudly derided. Detente and a positive approach to easing international tensions filled the Washington air, to the wonderment of those of us who still remembered Budapest, the Berlin Wall, and the fate of Brigade 2506 |at the Bay of Pigs]."

At the CIA, "detente" was the despised concept and Kennedy the

enemy who had humiliated the Agency and was threatening its very existence. While Kennedy may have been planning the elimination of the Agency after the following presidential election, as Prouty asserts, he was

He acted at once to prevent the Agency from further embarrassing his administration and threatening the peace of the world. According to Arthur M. Schlesinger, ]r. (Robert Kennedy and His Times, Houghton Mifflin, 1978), Kennedy said to him, "I made a mistake in putting Bobby in the justice Department. He is wasted there ... Bobby should be in the CIA." The president acknowledged that "it's a hell of a way to learn things, but I have learned one thing from this business [the Bay of Pigs]-that is, that we will have to deal with CIA."

He dealt with the CIA through the implementation of a three-point emergency program designed to control the agency. He fired its most culpable and powerful leaders, he appointed a high-level committee, the Cuban study group to investigate the misdeeds of the organization so that he might determine what additional short-range limitations were required and, in the interim, he dramatically reduced the powers and jurisdiction of the Agency and established strict limits as to its future actions through National Security Action memoranda.

The members of the Cuban study group were General Maxwell Taylor, the former Chief of Staff of the United States Army, Robert F. Kennedy, then the attorney general, Allen Dulles, then the director of the CIA, and Admiral Arleigh Burke, Chief of Naval Operations. The investigators, known as the Green committee, were having a decided impact upon the morale of the leaders of the CIA. Hunt recalled the period: "As a member of Dulles' staff I lunched in the Director's mess, seeing him return from each Green committee session more drawn and gray." Hunt was outraged that the inquiry was being held by Kennedy's men, those who "had allowed a Communist dictatorship free sway over an island less than ninety miles from our shores."

Phillips wrote that he had been sent to the Pentagon "to be questioned by General Maxwell Taylor" and that Taylor "shook his head slowly from side to side" as Phillips offered his versions of the events. "Robert Kennedy, in shirtsleeves, delved into the inner workings of the Agency," Phillips complained. It was clear to many in the CIA that the halcyon days were in the past, Phillips concluded.

Kennedy then sought to control the Agency by sharply reducing its ability to act in the future through National Security Action Memoranda 55, 56 and 57. These documents, in theory, eliminated the ability of the CIA to wage war. The CIA would not be permitted to initiate any operation requiring greater firepower than that generated by handguns. The intent was clear; so was the CIA's response. Military bases operated by the CIA in south Florida were not closed. The CIA continued to organize, fund, and equip Cuban exiles and send them on military forays to Cuba throughout this period. The raids continued long after the assassination of John Kennedy; they were all in contravention to the newly revised mandate of the CIA.

Robert Kennedy declined his brother's request to head the CIA, for political reasons. He explained that the designation would not go over well since he was "a Democrat and a brother." (Schlesinger, p. 494.) A Republican named John McCone was chosen instead. Clearly, after the 1964 election, political considerations would be less important. Robert Kennedy was assigned, during the interim, the informal responsibility of watching the CIA, according to Schlesinger. (P. 494.)

The CIA had other plans. John Kennedy would not live to face the voters in 1964. He would have to be assassinated during 1963, in a fashion that would diminish neither the image nor the power of the Agency. At the CIA, Kennedy's every move was closely scrutinized and evaluated. His psychological profile, compiled by CIA experts, provided a basis for determining his future conduct. As they saw it, their guesswork about the future was scientifically grounded, notwithstanding their not infrequent miscalculations in numerous other matters.

From the perspective of the leaders of the CIA, the possibility of a thorough investigation into the shrouded history of the Agency, certainly a prerequisite for a president seeking to justify its elimination was a risk that could not be taken. The removal of Hoover following the 1964 elections, if Kennedy were to prevail, was a foregone conclusion. The Kennedys then would be free to operate the Justice Department without interference from the leader and look into some of the more

The three NSAM were among the most important documents of the thousand days of the Kennedy administration. They were based upon the report of the Cuban study group delivered to President Kennedy by General Taylor on June 13, 1961. Taylor had been asked to recommend a course to prevent future CIA fiascos. Prouty was the officer charged with the responsibility of delivering the documents to the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff and to the other high ranking officers in the U.S. military and to brief them as to their significance. He told me during August. 1991, "Nothing I had ever been involved in my entire career had created such an uproar. NSAM 55 stripped the CIA of its cherished covert operations role, except for small actions. It was an explosive document. The military-industrial complex was not pleased."

Interesting and fascinating matters before it, and how it distorted its hard findings. As Hugh Trevor-Roper points out in a fine British introduction to Rush to Judgment, "A pattern was made emerging out of the evidence, and having emerged, seem to subordinate the evidence to it." It was not enough to read the Report; one was obliged Trevor-Roper points out, to read the 26 volumes of Hearings. "The same question through the three successive levels of Hearings, Review and Summary and Conclusions is to see sometimes a quiet transformation of evidence."

But one may ask: was the Warren Commission in conspiracy to hide the truth, all those "fine, separate, august, and honorable gentlemen." And the answer is: of course not. They were not in conspiracy, they needed to be, no more than a corporation has to be in conspiracy to push out a product which is grievously inferior to the product they potentially equipped to make, nor the head of General Motors needed private detectives to hound Ralph Nader. Products come from process and a commission's report is a reflection of a method on inquiry. Jay Epstein's book demonstrated even to Fletcher Knebels that the Warren Commission did not work very hard. Walter Craig President of the American Bar Association, appointed as "protector" of Oswald's interests, attended two out of 51 sessions of the Commission-was perhaps not the kind of lawyer Mr. Hoover would have recommend to Mrs. Oswald; the only Commission member to be present much me than 50 percent of the time was Allen Dulles of the CIA-perhaps had the most to protect.

No, for the large part, the seven members of the Commission are abstracted and often distant: the established lawyers who pursue; investigation as their nominal assistants were busy in private practice and usually absent. So the work passed on down to junior assistants; bright young lawyers with careers to make. They were forced to concern every day with agents, investigators, and detectives who knew more about criminal investigation than they did and were also presumably possessed of more physical strength, more martial arts, as well as endowed with that dead, muted, fanatical intensity which wins much in negotiations across a table. The investigation seemed to push at every turn the likelihood of inefficiency, corruption, collusion, or direct involvement in the case by the Dallas police, and, in more complex fashion. The CIA and the FBI. The Secret Service, having done a poor job, had their reputations to protect. In such a situation, what overworked young attorney is going to continue to make a personal crusade of his own investigation against the revelatory somnolence of the Committee members?

When the Warren Commission investigators had finished their work and they went to write the Report, they didn't take any of the attorneys or any of the people that they had, essentially, already bought off to do a phony investigation. They wanted to make sure there was nothing in that Report that would go wrong. And when I went into the Archives, about 300 cubic feet of the minutes from the meetings were notes, voluminous notes, from those 5 different staff investigative teams to the Warren Commission, in relation to the final report which they had read. And the notes say, "What's the basis for this conclusion? What's the evidence for this?" Line-after-line. Even the liars couldn't go as far as the author of the Warren Commission Report had gone. But the report went out intact. Hale Boggs asked in one of the meetings whether they should print any of the evidence. "I guess you know," Boggs said, "It might look a little fishy if we didn't." "Go ahead and print it,' Dulles said. `Nobody will read it anyway.' And Boggs said, "A few of those people out there know how to read." I doubt he meant me, but here I am.

And when you do read it, you can find it out. But the person that actually wrote the report is a fellow named Otto Winnacker. He was on TDY, transfer from the Pentagon to the Warren Commission, to do that job. He was also, historically, one of 26 official historians of the Reich who worked directly under the Reichschancellor, Adolph Hitler, and was brought here into the United States.

Following that incident, General Charles P. Cabell, Deputy Director of the CIA, went around Washington calling President Kennedy a "traitor".

It's a very mixed-up thing. As a result, people later on have argued that Kennedy destroyed his own plan by not sending over U.S. Military air cover for the beach landing. Air cover was no part of the beach landing, any more than it was for the British and the French in Cairo in 1956, because there were supposed to be no airplanes. You don't need air cover if there are no airplanes. You don't need an umbrella if it isn't raining.

It's a shame that through the years the literature has been filled up with partial information, none of which explains this all the way from the fact that I got that phone call from Nicaragua explaining what that man was up against. I could hear the planes running, and I jokingly told him, "Let them roll!" He knew I was joking, I didn't have the authority.

And then people have written that the problem with the Bay of Pigs was: Kennedy didn't provide U.S. Military air cover. They didn't need air cover. And General Cabell never did tell Kennedy that the call had been made. Kennedy woke up in the morning thinking there had been more than adequate air cover by the brigade's own B-26's. That was the plan as he had approved it on Sunday afternoon.

So whenever I began to look, I found these little nests of snakes. They intertwine, you know, they lock together, and their histories coincide. They send each other books and messages. They know each other. They get each other jobs.

Another person with connections to the Nazis, who was very instrumental in the assassination, is George DeMohrenschildt. He came from a reactionary family in Russia. His father was a top-level employee of the Nobel oil family, which was like the Rockefellers here, prior to the [Bolshevik] revolution. They lost their fortune there. His brother, Von DeMohrenschildt, was jailed by the revolution for a period. When they got loose, they went to Germany. They helped the Fascists set up. Von went into the CIA-funded Tolstoy Foundation, which was a center for the White Russians during the whole period. And George DeMohrenschildt was an oil engineer. Among other places that he worked, and was close to, was Kerr-McGee (he was tight with Mr. Kerr), where Karen Silkwood was later killed by the Industrial Security Command guards. That Defense Industrial Security Command was running Mussel Shoals and Huntsville, Alabama, when the Nazis arrived.

You see, it just goes over and over, back and forth. You can find the connections if you start with the evidence. If you look to see who are these people, who do they know, how are they funded? And I saw it not only there, but throughout the other assassinations. Who were the top lieutenants in Jonestown? All were tied in with the Nazi money, with the International Fascism, the training, or the movements of the Nazis themselves. I wanted you to see this before I quit. This is a documentary film made by a fellow named Bob Groden. He worked at LIFE magazine, in the photo department, when this film came from Dallas. This supposedly "homemade" film was made by a fellow named Abraham Zapruder, who was a bystander that `happened' to be standing near the Grassy Knoll filming the motorcade go by. And he caught, on this little piece of film, supposedly just by accident, the assassination of John F Kennedy.

The reason I'm making all these secondary comments is that we found out when Abraham Zapruder died that he's a White Russian. That he was from that same section there in Minsk, where George DeMohrenschildt and Marina's family came from. Marina's uncle was a high-ranking military officer in the NKVD, but her family was White Russian and anti-Communist. And Gehlen infiltrated a lot of the KGB and Soviet military and intelligence structures during the war, and left agents in place. There's reason to believe that a number of people that were involved with Oswald, even in the Soviet Union, also tie to this International Fascism; and not to the idea that Oswald was some kind of a KGB agent. He was a Naval Intelligence operative. He had crypto clearance. He traveled around with the U-2. And he was an U.S. spy. He was sent to defect falsely to the Soviet Union.

He [Oswald] got out of the marines (you try this) because a box fell on his mother's nose nine months before. And the letter documenting her nasopharyngitis (which means it was swollen) condition arrived 4 days after the discharge. But the number from the discharge sheet appeared a month before, on his passport out of the country, you see. So he was set to go.

And he was sent by the military, because there were no civilian flights when he went from Helsinki into the area. Nothing but a military flight could have explained his passage.

Also, when he was ready to come home, he'd met Marina four times in his life, and he married her the fourth time he met her. And then he took her out of the country. But of course they could get her to lie. Because she still didn't have her citizenship in `63, they could have sent her right back. And so what they had her do was say that she didn't speak English, and she spoke Russian. And they brought in George Bouhe and Raigorodsky and these other CIA translators. And in case the translator didn't translate the Russian just right, all the people stenotyping at that point, taking minutes, were on maternity leave from the CIA.

And then, of course, all the lawyers asking the questions were chosen in a meeting, the minutes of which are still buried in the National Archives as `National Security' matter until 2039. But I'm sure they weren't chosen just because they were under A's or B's in the phone book.

Another example would be that scientist I just mentioned, Walter Dornberger. He was a General, and he was responsible, essentially, for helping Wernher Von Braun and the rocket program get whatever it wanted during the war. He was also responsible for being part of the administration of the Dora concentration camp, where Jews and other slave labor were worked to death building, at a tremendous pace, these V1 and V2 rockets that were being used against the civilian population in England. And there were heinous examples, besides the level of the labor and the forced labor, of public hangings and other types of war criminality there at Dora. And all these people nowadays either aren't asked ... I mean, I think they've got one sentence in one piece of footage of Wernher von Braun, our fabulous rocket scientist, talking about Dora, saying some little piece about the conditions in the mines, you know, "... weren't that bad."

The fact is, they were there. They were in an administrative capacity. But because after the war we wanted their expertise, we brought over a thousand of these scientists and their families. They were down in Huntsville, Alabama. I don't know if you've ever been there. The Chamber of Commerce is named after Wernher von Braun. It has big pictures of all these Nazis and their families with their hands up, taking their oath of American citizenship. And they're proud of the Nazis they brought in. I guess to get 2 on the moon it's worth 30 million dead, huh?

One of them built the Saturn 5 rocket, and only just recently got chased out of the country, much to the chagrin of Lyndon LaRouche and his crew who are fighting to get him back in. That's Walter Rudolph, who helped to get us to the moon. And without them, these Nazis, we wouldn't have done it. Of course they say they weren't "ardent" Nazis, whatever that means. They weren't involved in the war crimes. But they were there, they were in the position to do something, to speak out. And when asked they say, `"Well if I'd spoken out, I would have been in the camps with the Jews myself. So what could I have done?"

And Dornberger was actually scheduled for indictment. The British prosecutor, Shawcross, said that he ought to hang. He was suspected of having worked, not only at Dora, but with the "Butcher" at Auschwitz, at the Auschwitz concentration camp. And instead, when Werhner von Braun got here to the United States, he said that he wouldn't do any work on our rockets unless we saved his mentor, his old friend, Walter Dornberger. So McCloy and Lucius Clay intervened on his behalf and he was brought directly to the United States. And first, he got a job in Huntsville, I think at Mussel Shoals, with NASA for a little bit. And then he got into a position that he kept for many, many years, where he headed up the helicopter systems division at Bell Aircraft in the Dallas/Houston area.

And it was in that position that he hired, during the 1950s and `60s, a top-ranking military intelligence agent by the name of Michael Paine. Michael Paine had a wife, Ruth Paine, and the two of them were very tight with the White Russian Solidarist community that lived in Dallas, many of these White Russians. And I say the history of these Nazis dates back to the time of the [Bolshevik] revolution. They're disaffected. Many of them worked with the CIA and other spy agencies, and Paine's family had connections with them. They went to a White Russian Orthodox church there, in Dallas, that was built with monies from the Cummins Catherwood Fund from Philadelphia. One of the blue-line families out in Philadelphia, Cummins Catherwood also funded the Cuban Aid Relief for the Bay of Pigs survivors, who were intimately involved in the assassination.

It was at that church that meetings happened, in the Christmas of the early `60s, between the Paines and the Oswalds. And it was the Paines that housed Marina Oswald, out in Irving, Texas. It was the Paines, along with Marina, who were some of the few people to testify to the idea that Oswald owned a rifle. It was Ruth Paine that got Oswald the job at the Book Depository, in October, and placed him, in part, as the patsy there. It was her friend, Roy Truly, who lied to the police, and said that they had taken a roll call and that Oswald was the only one missing from the building at the time they came in to find the so-called assassin. Even though everybody else looked in a different direction to where the noise had come from, up on the Grassy Knoll, the police ran to where they were supposed to, to the School Book Depository.

So when you scratch the surface of how they set it up, who told the lies, who engineered the "patsying" of Oswald, you find these people with the connections to the International Fascists. [61]

Many years ago I was told that the Bay of Pigs was a set up by the JCS to entrap JFK in such a way that it would be easy to turn the Cubans in Miami and the CIA against JFK. That the JCS never wanted to invade Cuba at all. And they always warned Castro of any planned assassinations and also about the Bay of Pigs.

Because Castro was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and a buddy of the Rockefellers. They needed him to succeed in order to be a bad boy of Latin America, so they could keep the cold war going and plenty of weapons mass production and the subsequent cold war profiteering from weapons sales. Castro was their boy all the way and was essentially being allowed to run a large-scale socialist/communist experiment, council of foreign relations, Rockefeller style. They would never allow Castro to be killed or Cuba to be invaded by be Miami Cubans or the USA no matter what.

So the plan was to give JFK confusing and contradictory info and then make sure he believed at the last minute that if the Essex carrier (close by at the bay of pigs with its identifying insignias painted over) deployed any jet air cover it would set off an immediate nuclear exchange with the soviets. Then they believed JFK would withhold air cover (Bundy was a traitor and helped with the plan) and thus would become the bad JFK, then justifying his murder by the Miami Cubans training at zenith technical enterprises of the university of Miami, its cover (also at no name key). Thus the Bay of Pigs was planned and used to severely discredit JFK and knock the wind out of his sales early on and make the Russkies look like they had taken over Cuba and were going to blast the U.S. into oblivion eventually. This allowed a great escalation in the cold war scenario. May some generals like Lemay wanted to let all the missiles fly against the Soviets, and some didn't so they used the bay of pigs to create a manageable checkmate in the works situation with which to prevent WW3 and still keep the cold war going in full, thus keeping weapons mfg. and sales full speed ahead which is what the banksters demanded.

Thus the assassination/murder of JFK as an operation really started at the JCS level with the planning of the Bay of Pigs. Just like the attack on the liberty ship or the 9/11 attacks, the military very strangely and without suitable explanation acted confused and stood down. These were all "inside jobs", allowing a means to gut the Miami Cubans which were becoming a problem and redirect them into what the JCS considered "useful" activities like eliminating JFK and drug dealing ops.

The kill teams at zenith were run by the blond ghost Ted Shackley, and "Colonel Roselli" with all the op 40 team members. Op 40 was chosen as a name because it was a special ops kill squad run out of room 40 at Langely. The name and room were chosen because the Brits had a similar room 40 with special ops during WW2. Did this info come from Fleming to Dulles when the CIA was started after WW2? Op40 members were Frank Sturgis, David Sanchez Morales, Marita Lorenz, E. Howard Hunt and others (all crack shots) (Castro's mistress--her mother and father were all OSS spies during WW2--her father was a cruise ship captain after the war). Op40 was a "can-do" black op designed to do the impossible but necessary to protect the "national security" of the U.S. no matter what. It was rumored that Nixon started it and ran it under President Eisenhower's term. So now you know the rest of the story. Thus, the JFK murder was a much more sophisticated operation than anyone has really discovered and wrote about publicly to this very day.

As to what happened at the lower altitude, we are not sure. The pilot may have bailed out at any time or he may have crash-landed. The aircraft was equipped destruction device to be activated by the pilot as he leaves the aircraft. We do not know whether or not he attempted to do so."

Khrushchev declared that he had been able to accurately determine the actual altitude of the U-2 from the results of that photography -- 65,600 feet.

The camera the Russians recovered from Powers' U-2 was a military-type, 73B, serial number 732400. With wide-angle capability, it took pictures of a 125-mile-wide strip. The film was twenty-four centimeters wide and two thousand meters long, capable of shooting four thousand paired aerial pictures.

That camera was not the one routinely used by the CIA spy U-2's. This U-2 had been doctored in Japan by someone who was willing to give away the plane but unwilling to reveal the technology of the newer U-2 camera. This was skillful deception from the inside.

Dr. Ray S. Cline, former Deputy Director of the CIA, wrote in his book, Secrets, Spies and Scholars, "The invention of the U-2 high-flying aircraft and the camera capable of taking pictures from 80,000 feet, pictures that would permit analysts to recognize objects on the ground with dimensions as small as 12 inches . . . this technical miracle revolutionized intelligence collection."

The pictures Khrushchev showed to the public and to newsmen gave away the ruse. The industrial installations and the rows of aircraft exhibited were tiny dots on regular film, and even with the best enlargement, they would never have met Dr. Cline's criterion of twelve inches from 30,000 feet.

This is a crucial point. The U-2 incident was a clever and sinister deception. Its perpetrators intended for the Russians to find the U-2 and to think Powers was doing a spy's work. Yet, these perpetrators were far enough up in Government circles to know that it was the technology of the camera, which must not be given away.